This article is inspired by renowned Nigerian author Chinua Achebe’s novel titled A Man of the People (1966), which presents the stark contradictions that accompany holding a public office in the African context. Written in the 1960s, the book reinforces his prescient satire, which highlighted some of the regrettable and embarrassing occurrences that have taken place, and continue to happen, all over Africa since the early days of independence.
In South Africa, as in other parts of the continent, the ‘Wabenziclass’ (a Swahili language slang from the early 1960s for those who own a Mercedes Benz, typically politicians) splurge on luxury cars and thrive on opulence amidst a land of poverty and despair. Unemployment in South Africa is around 32%, poverty is above 0.6 in terms of the Gini coefficient index, and socioeconomic problems continue to rise. Yet, the Wabenzi enjoy a life far removed from that of ordinary citizens. Public office, or proximity thereto, has become a gateway to accumulating wealth to flaunt on Instagram and other platforms.
This culture is growing disproportionately in contrast to realityand cannot be left unchecked. Accompanying this culture are grotesque behaviours that mock the struggles and suffering that our forefathers endured for over four centuries. For example, it is not uncommon for individuals to boast that they spend a hundred thousand rands on alcohol alone. They see nothing wrong with abusing state resources to acquire cars and staying in expensive hotels when there are alternatives. This is the reality we face that defers a dream for the majority of the population. An opportunity to access genuine political power is grossly misused and replaced with conspicuous consumption and instant gratification.
It is high time we critically examine societal norms and challengepreconceived notions of what constitutes what is considered ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ without fear of judgment or ridicule. Societal norms regarding right and wrong are often ambiguous and fluid, influenced by a range of factors. Even our moral compass seems to shift with the changing weather: there is no consistency in our thinking. Our limited exposure to diverse perspectives and our inclination to perceive things as beyond change nurture a culture of conformity, discouraging critical thinking and challenging the status quo.
While tradition and culture hold immense significance as enduring threads of our past, they should not be allowed to dictate our present trajectory or shape our future aspirations. We must not burden future generations with unquestioning adherence to outdated customs and behaviours. This principle applies to every aspect of our lives, including our approach to governance. Who, for instance, decreed that elected officials must be granted a car, a house and unrestrained access to state resources?
Logic dictates that everyone, regardless of their position, should be responsible for acquiring their own housing, transportation, clothing and other essential needs for their families. Imagine how many people would be genuinely interested in politics if these ‘perks’ were to be removed. Our current mindset and behaviour are heavily influenced by the French concept of ‘politique du ventre’ (or politics of the stomach). This is the politics of self-gratification, which prioritises personal gain over the collective well-being
The growing Wabenzi class’s power is felt by communities thatreceive subpar services and continue to live in abject poverty. Speaking in Galeshewe, Kimberley, on 7 January 2020, the lateJessie Duarte said, “We can’t say the ANC lives and the ANC leads while people live like this…” As per the norm, she acceptedno responsibility for the current mess and deflected responsibility elsewhere.
The term Wabenzi emerged in Kenya to describe the new ruling class that arose after independence, characterised by their lavish lifestyles. This term has since been adopted in other African countries to describe similar ruling classes. In South Africa, the new political elites have followed a similar path, indulging in extravagant perks and privileges while disregarding the concerns of ordinary citizens. This disregard is evident in the practice of treating elected officials as demigods, often justified under the guise of ‘perks’, ‘protocol’ or ‘security arrangements’. The issue of “blue lights” and the disregard for ordinary citizens has been raised for years, but responses have been political rather than based on logic.
Every day in our lives, we hear about equality and protecting human dignity. Yet what happens in practice is distasteful and contrary to the daily song. For instance, what makes a politician different from you and me, for him or her to be surrounded by an army of men in dark suits and dangerous weapons and to drive in a vehicle with black windows when ordinary citizens are not allowed even to tint the windows of their cars? Why do we have to all stand in traffic, and some people fly past everyone in cars with blue lights? Thus, it appears that in our context, this is the nature of problems and irritation a voter brings upon himself or herself.
There are all reasons that will be given, but this culture or tradition is over-the-top for a society like ours that is not only thriving for equality to take place but also where there is an urgent need to use scarce resources with prudence and care. The feudal practices that mirror the old ‘theory of the divine right of kings’ should have long been discarded to create a new society we want that is based on equality, respect and dignity. Allowing individuals to enjoy privileges such as high security, chauffeur-driven cars, and kingly status creates monsters that we now find hard to control. This is not what freedom means to many people who face the harsh realities of life on a daily basis.
Some people would defend this excessiveness from the public purse and say these issues are raised because it is black people who are now entitled. For them, anyone who objects to the prevalence of the Wabenzi culture is jealous or is a controlled stooge. Nigerian musician and Sonyika’s cousin Fela Anikulapo Kuti took it upon himself to rebel against a system that created the Wabenzi, or the ‘man-eat-man society’ as former Tanzanian president Mwalimu Nyerere called them. Kuti’s KalakutaRepublic in the suburbs of Lagos was meant to make a statement that not just Nigeria but the whole of Africa does not accept the exploitation of people.
Kuti’s effort was about ordinary people simply questioning what was before them and also trying to create the future we want for our beautiful continent. Unfortunately, Kuti attracted violence and brute from the military junta under General Olusegun Obasanjo (now who is ominously a respected African statesman) for standing for what every African should be doing to get things to be done right. The example of Kuti demonstrates that so many people have voiced concerns in different countries across the continent. Thus, what this piece advocates for is not beyond what can be done and achieved.
With all the criticism and lambasting that are often directed at the former US President, the truth is that Donald Trump will be remembered for ‘breaching’ centuries-old ways of doing government business, including diplomacy and state communications. His twinging fingers made sure that his message easily reached Americans and millions of people around the world via Twitter (now called X). His posts ran faster than press statements and note verbales. This example of Trump and how he has revolutionised government business shows that change is possible.
It is not only Trump who took the bull by the horns. Closer to home, Thomas Sankara in 1983 toppled the government of Sangoulé Lamizan in Burkina Faso. Sankara screamed, “Who are the enemies of the people?… Owls with the shady look in their eyes.” One of his legacies was doing away with the luxuries widely associated with the oligarchs of Africa, such as expensive cars, fat salaries, houses, and so on.
Speaking to Al Jazeera, economist Noel Nebie said, “Sankara wanted a thriving Burkina Faso, relying on local human and natural resources as opposed to foreign aid and starting with agriculture, which represents more than 32 per cent of the country’s GDP and employs 80 per cent of the working population; he smashed the economic elite who controlled most of the arable land and granted access to subsistence farmers. That improved production, making the country almost self-sufficient.” His assassination ended a life that wanted to lead the way in changing how Africa currently thinks.
Probably, Sankara understood that these distasteful subcultureswere a smack on the faces who prayed hard for colonialists to go, but Africans somehow retained them for no good reason. As Frantz Fanon puts it, the new political and economic classes wanted to retain a master-slave relationship.
Africa exhibits a reluctance to let go of certain colonial-era traditions, even after decades of independence. If one travels across former British colonies, black jurists and lawyers wear blonde wigs during court sessions, and no one has questioned this in Kenya or Zambia. This explains that we have not created any institutions that bear our image and how we would like things to be done. It does not matter how large or small, African states tend to prioritise security and lavish treatment for their elected officials, unlike many developed countries.
When individuals solicit votes, they enter our homes without bodyguards and other ‘perks’. This silly season is about to begin,with the general elections less than six months away. But as soon as they get appointed to office, all sorts of stories emerge. Who wants to kill them all of a sudden? In some European countries,presidents and ministers do their shopping and use public transport. What is so difficult in our countries for elected representatives to do the same?
Seeing that the fiscus is under pressure, this makes even more sense than ever before. If public service is reduced to a spectacle of bodyguards, blue lights, and other such frivolities, why should we be surprised by the decline of institutions, the abysmal quality of public services, and the prevalence of politically motivated assassinations? It is especially perplexing to witness politicians in impoverished rural municipalities indulging in these excesses.
‘Dieu et mon droit’ (or God and my right), which is still the motto of the Monarch of the United Kingdom since 1193, basically says: “I am born in a rank that recognises no superior but God, to whom alone I am responsible for my actions.” Embarrassingly, elected representatives in the South African parliament shout: So help me God! This basically points to the idea that individuals (rulers) are only accountable to God and no one else. This starkly contrasts the fundamental principle of democracy, which emphasises the sovereignty of the people and their right to govern themselves.
A popular democracy where everyone is equal and respected can be achieved in Africa. Pratyush Chandra argues, “Modern capitalism relies mainly on representative democracy as the political system to reproduce the general conditions of capitalist accumulation.” As a result, the current system excludes citizens from governance, fosters dependency and perpetuates the interests of a few. It is time for ordinary people to reclaim their power and establish a system of rule they desire without landlords and Randlords. This is achievable and can be without fear or favour.
As the American scholar Peter Drucker said, “The best way to predict the future is to create it!” It is entirely up to us to imagine this future today and try to channel our energies and behaviours towards attaining it. Relying on old, established customs and traditions might be of no use to our needs.
In the memory of Jose Mujica (Uruguay) and Thomas Sankara(Burkina Faso).