This is the edited version of my article, written on the 17th of January 2013, published in the weekly ANC TODAY, reaffirming the strategic leadership role of the revolutionary alliance, as the lifeblood of our national democratic revolution. It was during an interesting period of a widening discourse, with growing voice calling for the South African Communist Party, to contest elections independent of the historic alliance formations.
The melodrama attracted intensity, immediately after the election of Dr Blade Nzimande, as the General Secretary of the South African Communist Party, during the elective national congress, held at Shaft 17, Johannesburg, in the year 1998. The beginning of a new trajectory, in the history of our revolutionary alliance formations, shadowed by diminishing leadership role of the South African Communist Party, as a hegemonic vanguard of our struggles for national liberation.
The South African Communist Party, was bequeathed into political wilderness, of selective revolutionary phrasing, vulgarising the theory of our vanguard party, declaration of slogans, inconsequent to concrete realities of our historical epoch. Worrisome period of left- wing opportunism, exhilarating tactical questions at the expense of strategic questions.
The Communist Party was thrown into a political turmoil, abandoning its revolutionary posture and character, as the vanguard of the most advanced in society, a bulwark internationalist of the working class movement, embroiling itself into abstract formulas, agitating for members of the SACP to stand as independent candidates, during the cross-border disputes in Moutse, Matatiele, Khutsong, Bushbuckridge and Meetsemagolo.
Vladimir Lenin, in “What is to be done”, teaches us that the revolutionary theory of the vanguard is not a dogma, but a guide reflecting concrete realities of class contradictions in society. That we have to fight revolutionary phrasing, so that future generations, should not come to blame us, of having being part of a mock of opportunists, who have ruined our democratic revolution.
My article was dedicated for the 101 anniversary celebrations, of the birth of the African National Congress, on the 8th of January 2013, the historic significance of its first year into the second century of its existence. Reaffirming its historic revolutionary leadership role, as the oldest liberation movement on the African continent, and most probably the whole world.
Celebrating more than a century of rich history of unbroken record of heroic struggles by the people of our country, against imperialism and colonial oppression and exploitation. Selfless contribution by the overwhelming majority of our people, fighting for freedom and dignity, emancipating themselves from the shackles of poverty, disease and underdevelopment.
The National Executive Committee of the ANC, declared the year, as the year of unity in action towards socio economic freedom. A theme consistent with the objective concrete realities, of our own specific conditions in the current phase of our national democratic revolution.
Our national liberation movement reasserting its revolutionary posture and character, a living embodiment of true culture and traditions of our struggles. Reaffirming its commitment to the noble cause of the world progressive movement, of liberating the people of the world against the vestiges of imperialism and colonialism.
The revolutionary character and the posture, consistent with the spirit of internationalism, emanating from the plenary session of the second congress of the third international held in 1920. The historic plenary session, which adopted the most profound theoretical analysis, of the objective political and socio- economic realities of the South African situation.
The plenary session of the third international, proceeding from the concrete basis of the theoretical analysis of the historical period, of concrete material conditions of the people in the former colonies and semi colonies, posed the most important theoretical question, of the dialectical relationship between the world Communist movement and revolutionary liberation movements in the former colonies and semi colonies.
After thorough analysis of the world class balance of forces, the plenary adopted a theoretical formulation, which categorised all colonies and the semi colonies of the world, as the foundation and colonial base of imperialism. Instructing all Communist parties of the world, to establish relationships with revolutionary movements, led by the oppressed people in the colonies and semi colonies.
The understanding was from the point of view that the success of the struggles of the people in the colonies and semi colonies, was a precondition for the victories of the struggles of the international working class movement. A watershed political decision, which heralded anew political impetus, building and consolidating organisational capacity of the world revolutionary movement.
Communist parties across the world, together with other revolutionary nationalist movements, joined the struggles of the oppressed people, against imperialism and colonial domination. Planting new forms of struggles, deepening the crisis of the world colonial system, opening new frontiers for successful revolutions, with many former colonies and semi colonies, gaining independence.
The instruction by the third international, to the communist parties of the world, collaborating with national liberation movements, built new capacities and strength of the world proletariat movement, ushering political freedom to millions of the people of the world. Transforming the world Communist movement, into a formidable political force of our modern age.
With regard to the specific situation of the south african political socio and economic conditions, the plenary called for the creation of the an independent native south african republic, as a stage towards a workers and peasant republic, with full equal rights of all races. This profound slogan for the creation of a native republic, in accordance with the specific concrete socio economic conditions of our country, became a bedrock for the formation of the theoretical foundations, of our national democratic revolution. Providing a basis for a deeper insight, of the understanding the dialectical relationship between the national, class and gender questions.
The black republic thesis became the mainstay from which our revolutionary alliance, extrapolated the theory that the oppressed people of South Africa, do not only suffer from capitalist exploitation and imperialist domination, but also from racial discrimination. Bringing the understanding that the struggles for the oppressed people of our country from apartheid colonialism, was part of the worldwide struggles of the working class, for freedom and dignity.
Vladimir Lenin says “Marxism teaches the proletarian not to keep aloof from the bourgeois revolution, not to be indifferent to it, not to allow the leadership of the revolution to be assumed by the bourgeoisie, but on the contrary, to take a most energetic part in it, to fight most resolutely for consistent proletarian democracy, for carrying the revolution to its conclusion.
“We cannot jump out of the bourgeois-democratic boundaries of the Russian revolution, but we can vastly extend these boundaries, and within these boundaries, we can and must fight for the interests of the proletariat, for its immediate needs and for the conditions that will make it possible, to prepare its forces for future complete victory.”
He says “a socialist revolution is not one single act, not one single battle on a single front; but a whole epoch of intensified class conflicts, a long series of battles on all fronts, i.e., battles around all the problems of economics and politics, which can culminate only in the expropriation of the bourgeoisie. It would be a fundamental mistake, to suppose that the struggle for democracy, can divert the proletariat from the socialist revolution, or obscure, or overshadow it, etc.
“On the contrary, just as socialism cannot be victorious, unless it introduces complete democracy, so the proletariat will be unable to prepare for victory over the bourgeoisie unless it wages a many-sided, consistent and revolutionary struggle for democracy. Of course, democracy is also a form of stage which must disappear when the state disappears, but this will take place only in the process of a transition, from completely victorious and consolidated socialism, to complete communism.”
We celebrated the 101 anniversary of the birth of our national liberation movement, twenty two years after the shockwaves of the sudden collapse, of the communist states in the soviet union and the eastern Europe. Which ushered in a new phenomenon of the unipolar world of imperialist triumphalism, consolidation of the Washington consensus and aggressive military industrial complex.
The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Europe, was the greatest setback to the struggles of the world working class movement. It was indeed a setback, to the spirit of proletariat internationalism, that prevailed during the historic plenary, of the second congress of the third international.
Today the suffering people of the world, find themselves having to take forward the struggles, for their own liberation under difficult conditions, imposed by the complex and hostile socio economic conditions of the unipolar world. The unprecedented levels of poverty, disease and underdevelopment, is a living testimony that capitalism and imperialism cannot resolve its own contradictions.
The mismanagement of the world economic systems, by the monopoly capital in the USA and the European Union, has plunged humanity and the world into a perpetual state of a crisis. The Eurozone has become the epicenter of the world economic crisis.
The spiraling crisis has compelled many of the European member states, to impose harsh austerity measures,that saw huge cuts on social spending, privatization of the key sectors of the economy, high inflation and increased living standards, increased inequalities and unemployment etc. This crisis has also inflicted serious adverse effects on our own economy, and therefore our revolutionary programme, for socio economic transformation.
Given the analysis of the world socio and economic relations, therefore the theme by our National Executive Committee to declare 2013, as the year for unity in action for socio economic transformation, was consistent with the immediate task of our movement, of confronting the three and half centuries contradictions, of the legacy of imperialism and apartheid colonialism imposed on our people.
We celebrated the birthday of our national liberation movement, few days after the people of our country and the world, commemorated the 18th anniversary of the passing on of one of the most outstanding and finest revolutionary fighter of our movement, and the former general secretary of the SACP, Cde Joe Slovo. The outstanding son of our movement, master of the physics and chemistry of the South African liberation struggles, and our transition to democracy.
In his intervention of the Two Tactics of social democracy, Lenin would again say “Like everything else in the world, the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry has a past and a future. Its past is autocracy, serfdom, monarchy, and privilege, its future is the struggle against private property, the struggle of the wage-worker against the employer, the struggle for socialism”.
His profound theoretical contribution, towards the south african transitional period, saw the adoption of the sun set clause, the most strategic intervention that crafted our way forward towards our negotiated political settlement. He understood precisely that a revolution has a past and a future. That it requires the most strategic intervention, to navigate the transition of our national democratic revolution, from the apartheid regime to our democratic dispensation.
The sun set clause intervention navigated our transition to democracy, during the most difficult period, of events in the history of the world. It happened on the eve of
— the collapse of the soviet block and the communist states in the Eastern Europe
— the unbanning of the liberation movement and the release of our leadership from apartheid jails
— when our democratic movement had to confront the realities of the apartheid structural economic framework, which over decades marginalized the vast majority of our people from the commanding heights of our economy.
— and when we had to honour our obligation, to pay the massive apartheid debt, owed to the international finance institutions.
It is from this context that I appreciate the contribution of the son of our soil, of giving the best tactical approaches, during the most complex period of our transition, from apartheid racist regime to our new democratic dispensation. As the most disciplined cadre of our movement, he understood the essence of the political significance of the communist parties working with the revolutionary national movements, consistent with the instruction of the historic plenary, of the third international.
The ANC remains to be the only national liberation movement in the whole world, from amongst the countries of the former colonies and semi colonies, still in alliance with a communist party. We are the only country in the world, where the communist party and a liberation movement, are still working together in consistence with the revolutionary traditions, of the plenary of the second congress of the third international.
We are the only country in the world, where a national revolutionary movement and a communist party, are still pursuing common struggles, against the worldwide challenges of exploitation and oppression, by imperialism and neo colonialism.
Our revolutionary Alliance is the life blood of our people and our future generations to come. Our struggles for future humanity, would be futile, without the unity of revolution alliance formations, under the tutelage of our national liberation movement, the ANC. Our National democratic revolution without the alliance of the ANC, SACP, COSATU will be like horse without a carrier- wagon.
It is therefore in accordance with this fundamental tradition, that we will be in consistent to the spirit of the proletariat internationalism, that prevailed during the historic plenary of the second congress of the third international. The reason why the South African Communist Party, should continue occupying the forefront trenches of our struggles, defending the gains of our democratic revolution, under the leadership of our revolutionary alliance, led by the African National Congress.
I never thought during my lifetime, I will be forced to choose between the African National Congress and the South African Communist Party. I never thought that the vanguard, the fortress of our democratic revolution, the most advanced in society, can take such reckless political decision, demolishing such a precious monument of the struggles of the people of our country.
I am convinced there is still room for the South African Communist Party, to change its decision of contesting the coming local government elections, independent of the historic alliance formations. The best revolutionary is the one who is able to change his mind at each and every turn of events, guided by the theory of our revolution, which is fundamentally about the unity of our struggles.
Breaking the revolutionary alliance led by the African National Congress is a betrayal of the interests and aspirations of the majority of our people, is the betrayal of the founding mothers and fathers of the international Communist movement, betrayal of millions of our forebears, those who relinquished their own life, for the freedom and dignity of all humanity. It is a betrayal of the future humanity, betrayal of the aspirations of many generations of man to come.
We therefore need to combat the growing tendency, within the ranks of our movement, of individual moving at a supersonic speed, calling for the destruction of the foundations of our revolutionary alliance. We need to consolidate for the unity of our revolutionary alliance, a noble task bestowed unto our shoulders, by generations of man to come.
To be a revolutionary is the most sacred and yet conscious decision we take, to sacrifice our personal interests, to become selfless servants of our people. Leadership was never an entitlement, but an opportunity given by our people to learn.
Thank you…
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Ambassador Phatse Justice Piitso is a member of the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) writing this article in his personal capacity.